Ghislaine Maxwell's Father Sold Bugged Israeli Software to Two Nuclear Weapons Labs in New Mexico. Then His Daughter Led Jeffrey Epstein to Purchase a Ranch Located Halfway Between Them.
A federal paper trail connects Robert Maxwell's bugged software at Sandia to Epstein's Zorro Ranch, the Huffines family's secret Moscow meeting, and a son in the Trump White House.
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In 1985, a British media mogul walked into Sandia National Laboratories — one of the most sensitive nuclear weapons facilities in the United States — and signed a contract to install surveillance software that federal investigators would later allege was engineered to spy on its own users.
In 1993, a convicted sex offender purchased a ranch at the precise geographic midpoint between that facility and Los Alamos National Laboratory, the other crown jewel of American nuclear weapons research. He equipped that ranch with an industrial-sized spy-grade private microwave communications link running directly to a relay tower at Sandia Crest.
In 2023, a Texas family with documented ties to Russian officials and the Trump White House purchased that ranch, terminated most of its federal communications licenses — but kept the microwave link to Sandia Crest running, in the dead man’s company name.
The British media mogul was Robert Maxwell. His daughter is Ghislaine Maxwell. The sex offender was Jeffrey Epstein. The Texas family is Donald and Mary Catherine Huffines.
These documented facts are all drawn from federal court records, FCC license filings, FBI documents released under the Freedom of Information Act, the Epstein files, congressional testimony, published investigative reporting, and this reporter’s own review of primary sources.
What follows is a chronological account of what the records show — and of what New Mexico journalism and law enforcement has failed, for forty years, to ask.
I. The Software
PROMIS — the Prosecutor’s Management Information System — was developed in the late 1970s and early 1980s by Inslaw Inc., a small Washington, D.C. software firm. Its founder, William Hamilton, built something genuinely revolutionary: a program that could simultaneously query and integrate information from multiple, incompatible databases without requiring each system to be reprogrammed. In an era before the internet, before cloud computing, it was a surveillance tool of extraordinary potential.
The Department of Justice licensed PROMIS for use in U.S. attorneys’ offices nationwide. Then, according to court findings and congressional investigators, it stole it. A federal bankruptcy court found that the DOJ had obtained enhanced versions of PROMIS through what it called ‘trickery, fraud and deceit.’ The 1992 House Judiciary Committee report confirmed significant irregularities in the government’s handling of the software.
But the theft of a software license, however brazen, was only the beginning.
According to FBI counterintelligence records obtained through the Freedom of Information Act by Hamilton and reported in detail by the investigative news organization MuckRock, Israeli intelligence — specifically the Mossad, under veteran operations chief Rafi Eitan — recognized PROMIS’s potential as a global surveillance weapon. Eitan’s alleged plan: modify the stolen software with a hidden backdoor, then sell the compromised version to intelligence agencies and institutions worldwide. Every installation would quietly funnel data back to Israel, without the buyer ever knowing.
Eitan was not an obscure figure. He was a senior Mossad operations chief who, during the same period, was also running Jonathan Pollard — the U.S. Navy intelligence analyst later convicted of passing American nuclear secrets to Israel. His alleged role in the PROMIS operation has been identified consistently across multiple independent investigations spanning three decades, including by former Israeli Military Intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe, and by journalists Gordon Thomas and Martin Dillon in their extensively sourced 2002 account, Robert Maxwell, Israel’s Superspy.
The 1994 DOJ review of the INSLAW matter explicitly rejected some of the most sweeping espionage allegations, finding "no credible basis" for certain claims. That review affirmed the findings of a special counsel appointed by Attorney General William Barr — the same William Barr whose father, former OSS officer inexplicably turned Dalton School headmaster Donald Barr, hired Jeffrey Epstein as a teacher in 1974. The same Bill Barr who would later serve as Trump's Attorney General overseeing the federal facility where Epstein died in 2019. The same Bill Barr who, as I write this, is a private attorney whose secret legal doctrines — written during his first tenure as Attorney General — are currently being used by the Trump administration to justify the extraordinary rendition of foreign leaders, including Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Critics have noted that the 1994 DOJ review of the INSLAW matter was conducted by the same Justice Department implicated in the original theft of PROMIS from Inslaw. Readers should weigh that context.
What the FBI’s own records confirm is this: the New Mexico field office opened a counterintelligence investigation into an attempt to sell PROMIS to Sandia National Laboratories. And that investigation was shut down by Main Justice before it could conclude.
II. The Salesman
Robert Maxwell was born Jan Ludvik Hoch in 1923 in Carpathian Ruthenia — then part of newly formed Czechoslovakia, now part of Ukraine — the youngest son of a poor Yiddish-speaking Jewish family. He escaped the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, joined the Czechoslovak army in exile, and fought with British forces across Europe. Field Marshal Montgomery decorated him personally. By war's end he had changed his name five times and spoke at least eight languages.
After the war Maxwell worked in the British Foreign Office’s press division in occupied Berlin — placing him at the intersection of Allied intelligence networks at exactly the moment the OSS was becoming the CIA. British Foreign Office files, partially declassified in subsequent decades, described his ‘questionable activities’ as having been brought to the Office’s attention on multiple occasions. The files labeled him ‘a thoroughly bad character and almost certainly financed by Russia.’ His daughter Ghislaine would later tell the FBI in a deposition that her father was an intelligence asset for the British “and others.”
By the 1980s Robert Maxwell had built one of the world’s largest publishing empires — Pergamon Press, Mirror Group Newspapers, Macmillan Inc. He was a Labour Member of Parliament and a friend of world leaders. He was also, according to Ben-Menashe and the investigative record compiled by Thomas and Dillon, a Mossad asset tasked with selling the backdoored PROMIS software to governments and institutions worldwide. According to those accounts, he ultimately brokered PROMIS installations worth over $500 million to intelligence agencies in more than twenty countries — including the KGB and agencies across Africa, Latin America, and Asia.
His biggest target, however, was the United States itself.
III. New Mexico, 1984
Sandia National Laboratories sits on Kirtland Air Force Base in Albuquerque, New Mexico. It is one of three Department of Energy nuclear research facilities, responsible for the non-nuclear components of American nuclear weapons — the triggering systems, the delivery mechanisms, the engineering that makes a warhead function. Los Alamos National Laboratory, roughly ninety miles northwest, is where the weapons themselves are designed, and where J. Robert Oppenheimer’s team created the world’s first atomic bomb. Together, these two New Mexico facilities represent the operational core of the American nuclear arsenal.
In 1984, Maxwell — operating through a U.S.-based company called Information on Demand, which his Pergamon publishing empire had quietly acquired — targeted both facilities for PROMIS sales. According to Thomas and Dillon’s sourced account, Maxwell sought out Senator John Tower of Texas, then Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, paying him $200,000 for introductions to Sandia and access to the Reagan White House. That allegation has not been confirmed in primary documents available to the public and should be understood as credibly alleged.
What is documented in FBI records: in June 1984, two Sandia employees who worked in technology transfer approached the FBI’s New Mexico field office. They had received alarming information from colleagues at the National Security Agency — that Maxwell’s company had acquired an NSA database containing information about methods for tapping government databases. They believed Maxwell was attempting to sell their institution something engineered to spy on it.
The FBI opened a formal counterintelligence investigation. Two months later, one of the Sandia employees followed up with the Bureau, urging the FBI and NSA to investigate jointly. According to MuckRock’s analysis of the FOIA records, the Sandia employee was essentially stonewalled and told to take concerns to FBI headquarters.
In August 1984, FBI headquarters — operating under Attorney General Edwin Meese’s Department of Justice, the same DOJ implicated in the original PROMIS theft from Inslaw — ordered the New Mexico field office to close the investigation.
The investigation was closed. Maxwell returned to Sandia. In February 1985, he signed the contract for the PROMIS installation, listing himself as President and CEO of Information on Demand. Shortly afterward, he transferred day-to-day control of the company to his daughter Christine Maxwell, who served as its president and CEO until her father’s death in 1991.
MuckRock’s subsequent analysis found that Robert Maxwell’s FBI file has grown progressively more classified over time — more heavily redacted in 2013 than in 1994, and more heavily redacted still in 2017. This is the inverse of what normally happens with aging intelligence files.
IV. The Triangle
Pull up a map of central New Mexico.
Sandia National Laboratories sits in Albuquerque, in the Rio Grande valley. Los Alamos National Laboratory sits on a mesa to the north, in the Jemez Mountains. To the east, between them, slightly closer to Albuquerque, you arrive where Jeffrey Epstein built Zorro Ranch. (Now called San Rafael Ranch.)
Epstein purchased the 7,600-acre property in 1993 for a reported $12.3 million, according to the Albuquerque Journal. He bought it from Bruce King — the longest-serving governor in New Mexico history, whose three terms in office (1971-1975, 1979-1983, and 1991-1995) bracketed the entire PROMIS operation on both ends. King was governor of New Mexico when Maxwell was targeting Sandia. The King family’s land surrounds the Zorro Ranch property. Members of the King family appear in Epstein’s personal address book. Epstein donated money to Gary King — Bruce King’s son, who served as New Mexico Attorney General from 2007 to 2015, the period during which his office had jurisdiction over potential state-level crimes at Zorro Ranch.
The connection between Bruce King’s administration and the federal intelligence activity occurring within his state has never been publicly examined. His papers are archived at the UNM School of Law and are open to public researchers, but by appointment only. My appointment is coming soon.
What has now been documented, through my review of Federal Communications Commission records, is something that reframes the ranch’s relationship to Sandia National Laboratories (and possibly Los Alamos National Labs) entirely.
FCC records show that Zorro Development Corp., registered at 49 Zorro Ranch Road, Stanley, New Mexico, holds two active Microwave Industrial/Business Pool licenses — call signs WQXY316 and WQXY300, both granted July 12, 2016, both expiring July 12, 2026. License WQXY316 carries transmissions from the Zorro Ranch main residence to Sandia Crest Tower in the Sandia Mountains east of Albuquerque. License WQXY300 carries transmissions from Sandia Crest Tower back to Zorro Ranch. Together they constitute a permanent, fixed, bidirectional private microwave communications link — a dedicated two-way data channel operating entirely outside commercial internet infrastructure, through channels where traffic cannot be monitored, intercepted, or logged by third parties.
The Sandia Crest end of the system is anchored by a lattice tower standing 45.7 meters tall. Sandia Crest Tower is one of the most significant communications relay points in New Mexico. Data reaching Sandia Crest from Zorro Ranch can be routed onward through that infrastructure to virtually any destination in the world.
To understand the significance of this infrastructure, consider who actually uses Industrial/Business Pool microwave systems: NSA field stations, CIA operational facilities, FBI secure data operations, Department of Defense installations, electric utilities, natural gas pipeline operators, high-frequency trading firms, and major bank data centers. None of those descriptions apply to a private vacation ranch in the high desert.
Robert Maxwell sold backdoored surveillance software to Sandia National Laboratories in 1985. A decade later, his daughter’s partner built a private off-network communications link from the geographic midpoint between Sandia and Los Alamos directly to a tower at Sandia Crest. The surveillance infrastructure Maxwell embedded in Sandia, and the communications infrastructure Epstein built toward it, are connected by geography, by the Sandia Crest relay point, and by the decade-long relationship between Robert Maxwell’s daughter Ghislaine and Jeffrey Epstein himself.
But why? And to whom was Epstein privately sending so much data from his remote outpost between two of the United States’ top nuclear weapons labs?
V. The Heir
On August 10, 2019, the day Jeffrey Epstein died in a Manhattan federal detention facility, his last known phone call was to Karyna Shuliak — a Belarusian-born dental surgeon whom Epstein had designated as the primary beneficiary of his estate two days before his death.
That day, according to FBI text messages now in the public record — document EFTA01227447, a 289-page FBI text chain — Shuliak was in Russia. Federal prosecutors, the document shows, were aware of this. They asked her attorney to arrange a conversation about the final phone call and her relationship with Epstein. As far as the public record shows, that conversation never took place. Shuliak has never been charged with any crime.
Shuliak’s background warrants scrutiny. She was introduced to Epstein in 2009, almost immediately after his release from prison in Florida, through an unnamed Russian woman described as a mutual friend. She met him for the first time in Minsk, her hometown. Epstein coached her to pose as a domestic worker to enter the United States. He later instructed her to form a sham marriage with Jennifer Kalin, a former Epstein survivor and ex-girlfriend of Elon Musk’s brother, Kimball. The marriage lasted five years, long enough for Shuliak to gain her U.S. citizenship. Epstein also donated a massive amount of money to get Columbia University to accept Shuliak to its dental surgery program after it initially rejected her application. The bribe worked. She graduated in 2015.
Shuliak also worked for Southern Trust Company, Epstein’s U.S. Virgin Islands entity that processed $184 million through Deutsche Bank between 2013 and 2019 — described in court filings as a conduit for payments to young foreign women.
Shuliak inherited Epstein’s estate, including Zorro Ranch, upon his death. She subsequently sold Little Saint James — Epstein’s private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands — for $60 million to Stephen Deckoff, billionaire founder of Black Diamond Capital Management. Her dental practice is currently located at 6100 Red Hook Quarters, St. Thomas, in the same geographic area.
VI. The New Owners
In 2023, Zorro Ranch was purchased from Epstein’s estate by San Rafael Ranch LLC, a limited liability company whose beneficial owners were subsequently identified as Donald and Mary Catherine Huffines of Dallas, Texas. The Huffines family had initially attempted to remain anonymous in the transaction, but were outed by Clara Bates, a reporter at the Santa Fe New Mexican, this year.
The Huffines family terminated several FCC licenses on the property in 2024 and 2026. They did not terminate the microwave link to Sandia Crest. As of the date of publication, FCC records show those two licenses — WQXY316 and WQXY300 — remain active, held in the name of Zorro Development Corp., Jeffrey Epstein’s former LLC, at 49 Zorro Ranch Road. This is likely not a mere oversight, as they did terminate three other FCC licenses. The curious piece is why they’ve left the two remaining licenses in the name of the late Epstein’s company rather than transferring them to their own.
Donald Huffines is a former Texas state senator currently running for Texas state comptroller with an endorsement from Donald Trump. His son Russell Huffines is currently the Associate Director of Agency Outreach in the White House Office of Cabinet Affairs under President Donald Trump, according to LegiStorm and the White House’s own annual report to Congress on staff. Another son, Colin Huffines, was listed in LLC filings as managing the ranch property.
The Huffines family’s connections to Russia are documented. In June 2018, Donald Huffines and his twin brother Phillip traveled to Moscow as part of a delegation led by Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky. The trip was not publicized by either Huffines brother. It became public only after Russian state media released photographs and wire reports from the meeting. Donald Huffines’ spokesman subsequently stated the trip was intended to confront Russian officials about election interference. The meeting included discussions with Sergei Kislyak, the former Russian Ambassador to the United States whose contacts with Trump campaign officials were a central subject of the Mueller investigation.
According to NBC News reporting on the delegation, Rand Paul carried a handwritten letter from President Trump to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Russian officials at the meeting advocated for the release of Maria Butina, the Russian national who had infiltrated the National Rifle Association and the Republican Party and was subsequently convicted of acting as an unregistered foreign agent.
Mary Catherine Huffines was also present at that Moscow meeting, according to photographs published by Russian media — her presence there, like her husband’s, was not previously disclosed.
The Huffines family also heads HEST Investments, which finances Secretome Therapeutics, a biotech company whose chief product is developed from neonatal cardiac cells harvested from newborns within thirty days of birth. Epstein had publicly stated for years his intention to use Zorro Ranch specifically to impregnate women with his DNA — what he called seeding the human race. Southern Trust Company, the Epstein entity where Shuliak worked, filed documents disclosing it was engaged in DNA analysis. Epstein’s plan to use the ranch for what he described as a human breeding program was not a secret; he discussed it with scientists and associates and it was reported by the New York Times.
VII. The Russian Thread
Epstein’s own connections to Russian intelligence infrastructure are documented in the federal files. Sergei Belyakov — a graduate of the FSB Academy, which trains Russian intelligence officers, and the man who ran Putin’s flagship St. Petersburg International Economic Forum — met with Epstein at least five times. Epstein referred to him in correspondence as ‘my very good friend.’ According to the files, Belyakov helped Epstein obtain Russian visas, gathered intelligence on a woman Epstein claimed was attempting to blackmail American businessmen, and used Epstein to arrange meetings with American billionaires Peter Thiel and Thomas Pritzker. In return, Epstein attempted to facilitate a meeting between Belyakov and Putin.
In June 2018 — the same summer Epstein was emailing former Norwegian Prime Minister Thorbjørn Jagland to suggest that Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov could benefit from speaking with him — Donald and Mary Catherine Huffines were in Moscow, in a meeting with Kislyak, as part of Rand Paul’s delegation carrying Trump’s letter to Putin.
The chronology is as follows: Robert Maxwell, alleged Mossad and multi-agency intelligence asset, penetrated Sandia National Laboratories with surveillance software in 1985. His daughter Ghislaine became Jeffrey Epstein’s operational partner in the 1990s, after Robert’s mysterious death in 1991. Epstein purchased Zorro Ranch — positioned near the midpoint between Sandia and Los Alamos — from the governor of New Mexico, built a private microwave communications link to Sandia Crest, and operated the ranch as a hub of what federal prosecutors described as an international sex trafficking and blackmail network for nearly three decades. Upon Epstein’s death, his estate — including Zorro Ranch — passed to Karyna Shuliak, a Belarusian national introduced to Epstein through Russian contacts, who was in Russia the day he died. The ranch was subsequently sold to a Texas family whose documented Russian contacts include a secret Moscow meeting with sanctioned officials, whose son sits in the Trump White House, and who has kept Epstein’s private microwave link to Sandia Crest running in Epstein’s company name.
Each of these facts is individually documented. Their sequence is a matter of public record. The question of whether they constitute a continuous intelligence operation, or a series of unrelated coincidences, is one that law enforcement, congressional investigators, and the New Mexico Legislature’s newly formed Epstein Truth Commission are now positioned to examine.
It is also a question that forty years of New Mexico journalism left unasked.
VIII. What Has and Hasn’t Been Investigated
New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez reopened the state’s investigation of Zorro Ranch in February 2026, citing ‘revelations outlined in the previously sealed FBI files’ as warranting further examination. The state’s initial investigation had been closed in 2019 at the explicit request of federal prosecutors in New York — the same year Epstein died. On March 8, 2026, state investigators began a physical search of the property, the first such search in the ranch’s history despite decades of survivor allegations.
The New Mexico Legislature has established a bipartisan Epstein Truth Commission, chaired by Representative Andrea Romero, tasked with examining allegations of criminal activity and public corruption connected to the ranch. Commission members have noted that survivors reported abuse to law enforcement as early as 1996 and were not fully investigated.
No New Mexico news outlet has reported the connection between Robert Maxwell’s 1985 PROMIS sale to Sandia and Jeffrey Epstein’s subsequent establishment of Zorro Ranch at the geographic midpoint between Sandia and Los Alamos. No New Mexico outlet has reported that the private microwave communications link Epstein built between Zorro Ranch and Sandia Crest Tower remains active under the Huffines ownership, in Epstein’s LLC name. No New Mexico outlet has connected the Huffines family’s documented Moscow meeting — including Mary Catherine Huffines’ previously unreported presence — to their purchase of the ranch and their maintenance of its intelligence-grade communications infrastructure.
The Bruce King Papers, covering his three gubernatorial terms including the 1979-1983 term during which Maxwell was targeting Sandia, are archived at the UNM School of Law and are open to public researchers. They have not, to this reporter’s knowledge, been examined in connection with any of the above.
This series will continue.
Alisa Valdes is an investigative journalist and bestselling author based in New Mexico. Her series of articles on Zorro Ranch is ongoing and examines the political and intelligence infrastructure surrounding Jeffrey Epstein’s Zorro Ranch. This piece incorporates reporting from previous installments of that series. Secure tips: newstipsalisa@proton.me
I offer these posts freely, but your support is necessary and appreciated. Please subscribe, paid if you can, and share my work if it moves you. You may also leave a one-time or ongoing tip in any amount. Thank you! A.
SOURCES AND ENDNOTES
Where claims rest on contested or unverified sources, that is noted explicitly. All primary documents cited are in the public record.
1. The federal bankruptcy court’s finding that the DOJ obtained PROMIS through ‘trickery, fraud and deceit’: Inslaw Inc. v. United States, U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the District of Columbia (1987). The 1992 House Judiciary Committee report: ‘The INSLAW Affair,’ House Committee on the Judiciary, September 10, 1992. The ruling was reversed on jurisdictional grounds by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals.
2. Rafi Eitan’s alleged role as architect of the PROMIS backdoor operation: Gordon Thomas and Martin Dillon, Robert Maxwell, Israel’s Superspy (Carroll & Graf, 2002); Ari Ben-Menashe, public statements and sworn testimony. Eitan’s role as Jonathan Pollard’s handler is independently documented in Pollard’s case records. The 1994 DOJ review rejecting certain espionage allegations: ‘New Report Finds No Credible Basis for INSLAW Case,’ DOJ Office of Professional Responsibility, September 1994.
3. British Foreign Office files describing Maxwell: cited in The Telegraph and multiple investigative sources drawing on partially declassified British archives. The $500 million PROMIS sales figure and customer list: Thomas and Dillon (2002), reviewed in the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (September 2003). These figures have not been confirmed through declassified primary documents and should be understood as credibly alleged.
4. The FBI counterintelligence investigation following Sandia employees’ approach to the New Mexico field office, the NSA information, and the subsequent shutdown order from Main Justice: FBI FOIA records obtained by William Hamilton of Inslaw Inc., reported in detail by MuckRock — JPat Brown, ‘Sir Robert Maxwell’s FBI File is Getting More Classified by the Minute,’ June 28, 2017. This is the most primary-document-supported element of the entire PROMIS-New Mexico story. Regarding Los Alamos: both Sandia and Los Alamos are named as PROMIS targets in Thomas and Dillon (2002) and across multiple investigative accounts, including Wikipedia’s Robert Maxwell entry. However, the primary documentary record — specifically the FBI FOIA files — centers on Sandia. Thomas and Dillon describe Maxwell’s first Albuquerque trip as partly exploratory, to assess the market ‘within the Los Alamos complex.’ The headline’s reference to ‘two nuclear weapons labs’ reflects the consistent weight of the investigative sourcing; readers should understand that the Sandia sale is the one with a primary document trail, while the Los Alamos penetration, though consistently alleged across credible sources, has not been separately confirmed in publicly released primary documents. The John Tower payment allegation: Thomas and Dillon (2002); Whitney Webb, ‘The Maxwell Family Business: Espionage,’ The Last American Vagabond, July 2020. Not confirmed in primary documents. Tower died in April 1991.
5. The February 1985 Sandia contract signing: Webb (2020), citing corporate records and Christine Maxwell’s professional resume. Christine Maxwell’s subsequent role as president and CEO of Information on Demand is documented in her own professional history.
6. FCC license records for Zorro Development Corp., call signs WQXY316 and WQXY300: Federal Communications Commission Universal Licensing System, reviewed by this reporter. License grant date July 12, 2016; expiration date July 12, 2026. The physical specifications of the Sandia Crest lattice tower (45.7 meters) are in the FCC license filings.
7. Epstein’s 1993 purchase of Zorro Ranch from Bruce King for a reported $12.3 million: Albuquerque Journal archives. Ghislaine Maxwell’s role in finding Zorro Ranch and bringing Epstein to New Mexico: Ghislaine Maxwell deposition, DOJ document release — Maxwell states she toured multiple ranches with Epstein and he chose New Mexico. King family members in Epstein’s address book and Epstein donations to Gary King: Albuquerque Journal and associated reporting. Bruce King’s gubernatorial terms: New Mexico State Records.
8. Karyna Shuliak’s presence in Russia on the day of Epstein’s death: FBI text chain document EFTA01227447, 289 pages, now in the public record. The fraudulent Crew Certification Letter: email chain EFTA00438413 (November 1, 2016) and pilot email EFTA02192949 (November 3, 2016), both in the DOJ document release. The ‘youngpornvideos’ email: document EFTA00529199 (February 4, 2013). Southern Trust Company described as ‘a conduit for payments to young foreign women’: court filings in Epstein-related litigation. Shuliak’s sham marriage to Jennifer Kalin: FBI records cited in DOJ document release. Shuliak has not been charged with any crime.
9. The Huffines family’s purchase of Zorro Ranch via San Rafael Ranch LLC: Santa Fe County property records; Santa Fe New Mexican reporting. Russell Huffines’ White House position: LegiStorm and White House annual report to Congress on staff. Colin Huffines’ ranch management role: LLC filings.
10. The June 2018 Moscow trip by Donald and Phillip Huffines as part of the Rand Paul delegation: Russian state media photographs and wire reports; Texas press reporting following disclosure. Rand Paul carrying a letter from Trump to Putin: NBC News. The Maria Butina advocacy by Russian officials at the meeting: NBC News and associated reporting. Mary Catherine Huffines’ presence: Russian media photographs. The trip was not previously publicized by either Huffines brother.
11. Sergei Belyakov’s meetings with Epstein and documented activities on his behalf: DOJ-released Epstein files. Belyakov’s FSB Academy background and role at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum: publicly documented. Epstein’s June 2018 email to Jagland referencing Lavrov: DOJ document release.
12. HEST Investments’ financing of Secretome Therapeutics and the company’s use of neonatal cardiac cells: company documents and reporting cited in prior installments of this series. Epstein’s stated plan to impregnate women at Zorro Ranch: New York Times reporting; Epstein’s own statements to scientists and associates. Southern Trust Company’s disclosure of DNA analysis activities: company filings.
13. New Mexico AG Raúl Torrez’s reopening of the Zorro Ranch investigation: February 2026 announcement by the AG’s office. The 2019 closure at federal request: AG’s office statement. The March 8, 2026 search: AP and Reuters reporting. The Epstein Truth Commission: New Mexico Legislature.